Trump's United States Under the New Administration Seems Oddly Familiar to Observers from China

When Vickie Wang, an emerging comedic talent, steps onto the stage in New York, she is not only thinking about which jokes to deliver. She also carefully considers what subjects to avoid. “I don't engage in directly attacking the government,” she stated. And when she does, she makes certain it's not recorded for online platforms. “I would never publicly share material where I openly disparage the government … I believe it's a learned behavior acquired back home.”

Wang, thirty-nine, resided in Shanghai for almost a decade, leaving in that year. In 2025, she relocated to the US. When she got there, she embarked on an intense period of “revenge bingeing on democracy,” going to talks, demonstrations, and exploring New York’s public library.

But in the year since the president was elected for the second time, there's been a noticeable shift in the environment, she says. “In China, I knew where the line was, whereas here I find myself on shifting sands.”

Her concerns reflect a new climate in the US which numerous individuals from China, or people who have lived in China, find disturbingly similar. Opponents face exclusion. The president demands absolute loyalty. Journalists are targeted. Institutions are attacked.

Trump has openly expressed regarding his respect for Xi Jinping, the nation's strongman leader. He has described Xi as “fantastic”. As they agreed a temporary truce in economic tensions on Thursday, the camaraderie between both figures of nations with diametrically opposed political systems was evident. And after decades of hope in the US that improved relations with the East could assist the rising power to liberalise, under Trump 2.0, it seems as if the US is shifting in the Chinese direction, rather than vice versa.

“America is experiencing a period of cultural revolution,” stated Zhang Qianfan, an academic at a top Chinese university. “The president, Trump, is trying to mobilise the masses in order to marginalize or weaken the elite … similar to events in China half a century ago.”

Since Trump initiated what's termed a government streamlining body, or Doge, on the Washington bureaucracy early on in office, numerous Chinese observers have viewed US politics through the lens of the Cultural Revolution. Be it the rallying of the youth to execute the leader’s will, or purging organizations of those deemed opposition, Trump as viewed from China has delivered Mao-style chaos to the US, though without equivalent degrees of force.

But after the turmoil of the early months under Trump subsided, an unfamiliar, distinct type of climate has emerged in the country, which variously seems recognizable to numerous Chinese individuals.

‘The Beacon Has Become Dimmer’

The deepest parallel between Trump’s America and China is the suppression on free speech.

Deng Haiyan, now a CCP dissenter, found himself in a controversy this year, the likes of which he once faced in his homeland. He has lived in America for several years, having fled China because of pressure from the authorities.

Last fall, following the passing of Charlie Kirk, Deng tweeted that the individual was a “scumbag”. Similar to others across the US – many of whom were fired as a result of expressing criticism about Kirk – he encountered significant backlash. Relatives had personal info leaked and he was accused of espionage seeking to divide the US.

“That event was a real shock. I never imagined that something like this could happen in America – something that typically happens in an authoritarian country,” Deng said.

His backlash came from fellow social media users, rather than the state, but that kind of public monitoring also has similarities with China.

“In terms of going after dissenters and monitoring public speech about issues that are sensitive … That’s starting to emerge here,” noted an academic, a scholar at Georgia State University. “That’s something observed in the East today as well,” she said, adding that concerns are rising in the US of students reporting on teachers, a type of monitoring that has been encouraged by Chinese authorities.

Zhang, the Peking University law professor, explained that liberal Chinese intellectuals such as him once turned to America for ideals, in part because openly discussing domestic politics in the country is dangerous. However, “America is no longer a ideal for progressive Chinese. The US's reputation has declined generally.”

“We used to see the US as the beacon of democratic governance, but after Trump took power, this lighthouse seems to have become dimmer”.

Chinese liberals, typically, at least in private, skeptical about China’s political system, now perceive it more acceptable than America’s, Zhang said. “It’s sort of painful to accept this … but post-COVID, authorities appears to be pursuing the right thing in environmental protection and promoting EVs and investing in hi-tech,” he noted, while “the West, as represented by America, appear in decline.”

The government's acquisition of shares in American firms has prompted comparisons with China, where the distinction between government and private industry is frequently unclear.

On Monday, the US government stated it will take an investor in a new company specialising in mineral refinement, following similar stakes in additional firms it considers essential for the country's safety. These moves have made some investors concerned that America is embarking on a fresh phase of government meddling in the private sector.

There are still major differences between the US under Trump and the East. Last month, multiple media outlets including the Guardian declined to agree to a defense department rule that required they only report on approved news. American judiciary have blocked or reversed many of Trump’s actions, something that is impossible in the nation's CCP-controlled legal system.

An analyst, the founder of Strategy Risks, specializing in China, commented: “America could descend into its gravest challenge of all time, far more severe than it is now, and it will still be more free, open, and more liberal than China under Xi.”

The professor notes that although many intellectuals in China were surprised to see American colleges yield to government demands regarding DEI policies and free speech on campus, in the East, the top universities are publicly controlled by default. Administrators, who are appointed by the government, “have no liberty refuse. They dare not to be disobedient.”

Still, people in the US are beginning to adopt measures that were once associated with more authoritarian countries. One professor at an American college who was previously vocal on US-China issues declined to speak for this piece. He said: “Honestly, I am scared of suppression in the US: I genuinely feel less afraid criticizing China's leader now than say anything bad